English Politics in the Thirteenth Century

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Director of CMRC would like to attract research students working on any aspect of church history in the later medieval West , especially the papacy, canon law, penance, popular piety and heresy. He is also interested in supervising students working on intellectual and university history, especially the doctrines of medieval canonists and theologians. My research questions the politics of book production in eleventh-century England focussing, in particular, on the collection of books compiled and housed at Exeter Cathedral in Devon. These books are particularly interesting to study because they provide modern scholars with an insight into the religious concerns of an eleventh-century bishop.

I have published this research in essays mostly focussing on the materiality of books. My latest publication examines the cultural connections linking Exeter Cathedral with early eleventh century papal reforms.

Anne Curry Professor of Medieval History. Mark Everist Professor of Music focuses on the music of western Europe in the period , reception theory, and historiography, as well as French nineteenth-century stage music between the Restoration and the Commune, and Mozart. She is happy to supervise students in any of these areas.

Bishops in the Political Community of England, | Reviews in History

Maria Hayward Professor of History is interested in dress and textiles at the court of Henry VIII; the production of court revels and disguisings; early modern liturgical textiles; as well as textiles in early-modern archaeological contexts. His specialisation is in artefacts, and the role of material culture in social and economic history.

Alice Hunt Senior Lecturer in English. Alice's research focuses on the English early modern court, looking in particular at the coronation ceremonies of the Tudor and Stuart monarchs, at the relationship between ceremony and drama, and the role of ceremony under Oliver Cromwell. She is particularly interested in the legitimization of power, and the impact of religious and political change on all kinds of ceremonies and rituals: royal, political, religious, civic. She welcomes research proposals on any aspect of early modern literature and drama; ceremony and ritual; court culture; the period of the Republic.

The differences between these dialects became even more marked after the Norman invasion of Britain, particularly after King John and England lost the French part of Normandy to the King of France in and England became even more isolated from continental Europe. Anglo-Norman French became the language of the kings and nobility of England for more than years Henry IV, who came to the English throne in , was the first monarch since before the Conquest to have English as his mother tongue.

While Anglo-Norman was the verbal language of the court, administration and culture, though, Latin was mostly used for written language, especially by the Church and in official records. Perhaps predictably, many of them related to matters of crown and nobility e. Curiously, though, the Anglo-Saxon words cyning king , cwene queen , erl earl , cniht knight , ladi lady and lord persisted.

While humble trades retained their Anglo-Saxon names e. While the animals in the field generally kept their English names e. Sometimes a French word completely replaced an Old English word e. Sometimes French and Old English components combined to form a new word, such as the French gentle and the Germanic man combined to formed gentleman.

Sometimes, both English and French words survived, but with significantly different senses e. But, often, different words with roughly the same meaning survived, and a whole host of new, French-based synonyms entered the English language e. Over time, many near synonyms acquired subtle differences in meaning with the French alternative often suggesting a higher level of refinement than the Old English , adding to the precision and flexibility of the English language.

Even today, phrases combining Anglo-Saxon and Norman French doublets are still in common use e. Bilingual word lists were being compiled as early as the 13th Century.

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French scribes changed the common Old English letter pattern "hw" to "wh", largely out of a desire for consistency with "ch" and "th", and despite the actual aspirated pronunciation, so that hwaer became where , hwaenne became when and hwil became while. A "w" was even added, for no apparent reason, to some words that only began with "h" e. Another oddity occurred when hwo became who , but the pronunciation changed so that the "w" sound was omitted completely.

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There are just some of the kinds of inconsistencies that became ingrained in the English language during this period. Regarded as the most cultured woman in Europe, Eleanor also championed many terms of romance and chivalry e. Many more Latin-derived words came into use sometimes through the French, but often directly during this period, largely connected with religion, law, medicine and literature, including scripture , collect , meditation , immortal , oriental , client , adjacent , combine , expedition , moderate , nervous , private , popular , picture , legal , legitimate , testimony , prosecute , pauper , contradiction , history , library , comet , solar , recipe , scribe , scripture , tolerance , imaginary , infinite , index , intellect , magnify and genius.

But French words continued to stream into English at an increasing pace, with even more French additions recorded after the 13th Century than before, peaking in the second half of the 14th Century, words like abbey , alliance , attire , defend , navy , march , dine , marriage , figure , plea , sacrifice , scarlet , spy , stable , virtue , marshal , esquire , retreat , park , reign , beauty , clergy , cloak , country , fool , coast , magic , etc. A handful of French loanwords established themselves only in Scotland which had become increasingly English in character during the early Middle English period, with Gaelic pushed further and further into the Highlands and Islands , including bonnie and fash.

Distinctive spellings like "quh-" for "wh-" took hold e.

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Scottish English's radically distinct evolution only petered out in the 17th Century after King James united the crowns of Scotland and England , and the influence of a strongly emerging Standard English came to bear during the Early Modern period. In the early thirteenth century Northerners' cogs and other light sailing ships shuttling alongshort stretches of the open sea carried the bulk of merchan-.

These vessels did not represent large investments ; small crews handled them and small cargoes filled them. The nefs and other types of Mediterranean sailing ships probably could have shuttled between England and Flanders at the same cost, but before approaching these countries they had to sail immense distances along the coast of Mediterranean France, the Iberian peninsula, and Western France. The costs of the earlier part of this voyage could be defrayed by unloading and picking up cargoes in thriving seaports such as Marseille, Narbonne, Barcelone, Majorca, Almeria, or Malaga.

Notwithstanding the high cost of transportation by land it was more convenient for a Genoese merchant to follow the roads of France, which linked together a series of fairly active towns, as far as the fairs of Champagne or some other international market visited by northern merchants and equipped with everything necessary to make trade easier.

Or, if he wished to meet these merchants in their own countries, he could proceed further to Flanders by land and, if he had to cross the Channel, sail in the local ships. The land route to Flanders was six or seven times shorter than coastal navigation from Italy, and crossing the Channel in a cog was not a forbidding expense. Every stretch of the route afforded opportunities for trade. Navigation all the way from Genoa to England or Flanders would have been considerably shortened if Mediterranean ships could have sailed from the northwestern corner of Spain straight to the tip of Brittany or Cornwall, but this was a risky route for a nef.

Galleys were sturdy enough to take the short cut, but they were exceedingly large and they required a considerable crew to man their oars. Their superior speed and loading space would nevertheless have enabled them to compete. Flanders both imported and exported valuable cargoes which could have filled many galleys, but it was close to the Champagne fairs and connected with them by well established commerce links. England, which was not as closely connected with Champagne, had few valuable goods that Mediterranean merchants desired, and it was a poor consumer of the more valuable Mediterranean and Eastern goods Q.

If these explanations are accepted, it is not difficult to see why by Genoese galleys could make the voyage to Flanders and England at a profit, and why markets thereafter grew so fast that by the early fourteenth century not only Genoa but also Venice sent regular convoys every year. First, there was the rapid development of trade with Castile, which made it profitable for the galleys to call at several ports before taking the short cut from Galicia to the Channel.

By the last quarter of the thirteenth century Seville had emerged as an important market where a small but lively Genoese colony traded with the central and western provinces of Castile 2. A few Genoese merchants may already at that time. Moreover, suitable cargoes were found for galleys sailing to and from Flanders and England.

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The Genoese gained control over the most important sources of alum, a color fastener and astringent which occupied in mediaeval industry almost as prominent a place as coal tar products occupy in our own. In Benedetto and Manuele Zaccaria obtained the Pho- caea mines from the Byzantine Emperor ; at about the same period other Genoese developed the Karahissar mines near Trebizond ; besides these alums, which were the best in the world, Genoese merchants exported fairly good alum from Castile and Northwest Africa, and a lower quality from Vulcano Island near Sicily 2.

Flanders and the surrounding terri-.

In turn, England found wool a valuable export to Italy when Italian manufactures stepped up the demand for it. As late as and the Florentines bought chiefly Spanish wool in Genoa, but in enough raw material to manufacture By the early fourteenth century all of the At the same period, the Flemish and English demand for spices and other Oriental goods continued to grow.

So did the Italian demand for quality cloth from Flanders, Brabant and England f. Alum and wool formed the bulk of the cargo in the first Genoese sailings to and from the North Sea. While neither was classed with the precious spices and other goods of exceptionally high value, they were among the most valuable cargoes which sold in bulk. Alum with a small amount of precious goods and wool with a small number of pieces of quality cloth would fill a galley and make its voyage profitable 1. This allowed greater latitude in the choice of cargoes, and permitted the Mediterranean galleys to compete with the pack animals of the land routes to Champagne and Flanders and with the cogs of the North Sea not only for long distance transportation of expensive wares but also for short hauls of bulky and inexpensive goods 2.

Thus the date mentioned in the Genoese notarial records coincides with the date which we would surmise if we had no direct information on ships and we knew only the. It is unlikely that we can go much farther back than and there is some indirect evidence that the very idea of sailing directly to England was unfamiliar to the Genoese as late as Yet Simone's own father, Ansaldo, had twice gone to England by the normal route through the fairs of Champagne and the British Channel, had carried out a mission to the Sultan of Damascus in behalf of Henry III, and had done profitable business besides receiving a generous allowance from the King.

Simone himself in was granted a special safeconduct by Edward I, but he did not take advantage of it to visit the country. This interesting document, which also sheds some light on problems concerning the Crusade, is preserved in the Public Record Office in London x. More important still, documents in the Public Record Office bring the Majorcans into the contest to be the first in Mediterranean-North Sea crossings, either in a tie with the Genoese or as the sole winners. These documents belong to the well known, but insufficiently explored series of the Customs Accounts. It is true that the earliest mention of Mediterranean ships going through customs in England is three years.

But three years are not a great difference and we must take the Customs Accounts for what they are — a priceless collection, unmatched in Belgian archives, but very youthful when compared with the Genoese chartu- laries. Besides, for the thirteenth century, no more than a small remnant of those records has come down to us x. In the Summer of three Mediterranean ships loaded with English wool went through customs in London. One was the nef of Francesco of the march of Finale, a territory in Western Ligu- ria within the sphere of Genoese influence ; another was the galley of Antonio de Mari, who was a member of a very prominent Genoese family ; the third, however, was the galley of Guillem de Bone de Mayhorke 2.

Then, for more than. In we again come across a galley. Lastly, in , April to September, we come across three galleys, two of which belong to the Genoese Filippo di Negro and Benedetto de Guasco, but one belongs to Peire Berge Mayoricarum 2. This, however, seems to be the last. Majorcan ship mentioned in the Customs Accounts for a long time. In contrast to this, the number of Genoese ships keeps growing in the years immediately following Q , and soon Venetian ship captains also are mentioned.

Although in the English records Majorcan and Genoese ships appear at the same time and a Genoese ship appears three years earlier in the Genoese records , there seems to be a fairly good case for the assumption that the Majorcans originally led and the Genoese followed. Genoa was so vastly superior to Majorca in population, capital, business connections and sea power that if she had been first on the lanes to England there would hardly have been much room for Majorcan enterprise. As a matter of fact, a few years after the coming of the Genoese the Majorcans were eliminated and only the powerful and wealthy Venetians were able to meet the competition.

Relations between the Ligurian metropolis and the Balearic seaports were so continuous and intimate that it could not have taken long for Genoese merchants to learn of sailings of Majorcans to the North Sea and to follow the same route if the reports of returning sailors were encouraging 1.